New Drug Policy

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At War with the (….sshh BLACK) Government…

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Jan• 17•12

Talk about a revolting spectacle. A GOP presidential debate on MLK Day where the group of men seeking the nation’s highest office engaged in the lowest form of scapegoating and race-baiting to garner the support of voters who are political and cultural Neanderthals. Not a single one of the candidates acknowledged the important legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., a life devoted to perfecting the state of our national union by breaking down racial barriers through appealing to our higher nature.

I could focus on the condescendingly ignorant statements made by Newt (the Snoot) Gingrich about poor children having no work ethic, a condition that would be cured by having them work in their local schools for meager salaries cleaning up people’s shit. When given the chance to take back, amend or soften these remarks Gingrich instead chose to double-down and twist the knife a little further in the backs of the poor, all for the sake of some redneck votes and the chance to smear Obama.

Or I could focus on the suggestion by Rick Santorum that unemployment benefits encourage people not to work therefore the time should be limited, like welfare benefits. Forget the fact that unemployment is still at record highs in many parts of the country and jobs are in scarce supply. Gingrich decided to raise him one by adding that receipt of benefits be contingent on participating in a ‘work training program’. Training for what jobs? Makes you wonder if any of these people have ever had to live on unemployment benefits?

I must admit my biggest ‘say what’ moment came when Rick Santorum attacked Romney for having a more liberal position than him on felon voting rights – pushing Romney to say he supports permanent disenfranchisement for people convicted of a ‘violent felony’. Does that mean he supports restoring voting rights to people convicted of drug offenses? How will that play in South Carolina?

I believe the most revealing moment of the night was when Rick Perry declared that “South Carolina is at war with the government and this administration”. The remark was met with rousing applause by the audience, including the state’s governor. I kept waiting to hear the Confederate Rebel yell, it was that surreal. It’s 2012 and yet to listen to the debate and that audience you would think it was 1912 and this was the Reconstruction South complaining about those uppity Northerners who run the federal government interfering with the state’s internal affairs. Who are they to tell the South how to deal with their lazy, shiftless ‘colored people’, who want more money for their work and don’t know how to stay in ‘their place’? I guess the battle for “redemption” is still on.

What’s striking to me is the virtual lack of media coverage regarding the substance of these statements. They’re generally characterized as giving ‘red meat to the base’, as if the substance of what’s said is unimportant, what matters is the audience reaction and whether they’ve scored any points. The significance of making that statement in South Carolina, the state that launched the Civil War, on the only national holiday honoring an African-American was as important as Ronald Reagan launching his presidential campaign by declaring “I believe in states’ rights,” in Philadelphia, Mississippi, the city where Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner were murdered in 1964.

It’s not so much a declaration of war as a statement of fact. The GOP is at war with the government and, in particular, this administration. What’s interesting to me is that contrary to all appearances the GOP doesn’t really hate Obama because he’s black – their open embrace of Herman Cain and Allen West belies that claim. They hate him because he’s progressive, because he believes in the effectiveness and relevancy of government and he still has the support of the majority of the American people despite their best attempts to bring him down. Forgive the pun but he’s like Muhammad Ali – he looks pretty, he talks pretty, they can knock him down but they can’t knock him out!!!

At a time of severe economic pain, anxiety and heightened fears for the future the GOP has made a calculated decision to use Obama’s race to help stoke racial fears and class prejudice to their political advantage. Anyone in government knows the principal beneficiaries of domestic aid programs – food stamps, Medicaid, housing, WIC etc are poor whites and because of the recession that number has grown dramatically. A disproportionate percentage of blacks receive assistance – about 27% for food stamps – but cutting the program significantly would still hurt poor whites the most, particularly since most don’t live in areas with many supplemental social services like food pantries. Yet the GOP, with lots of assistance from the media has successfully framed the issue as one of giving ‘handouts’ to people unwilling to work who are being encouraged by government to become ‘dependent’ as opposed to fellow Americans being assisted by government from becoming destitute.

It saddens me that the Republican presidential candidates are using racial subtexts in their campaigns that are essentially a not-so-subtle promise to preserve white supremacy. Instead of addressing the issue of providing jobs and increasing economic security, the GOP candidates propose to make their voters feel better by making other people’s lives worse. GOP voters may not be rich, but at least they’ll still have the perceived advantages of being white in a country they still control. Romney is the most subtle and increasingly the most effective in projecting an image of ‘whiteness’ that appeals to many traditionalists, not just Republicans. As described in a recent article in the NYT:

[T]here has yet to be any discussion over the one quality that has subtly fueled his candidacy thus far and could well put him over the top in the fall: his race. The simple, impolitely stated fact is that Mitt Romney is the whitest white man to run for president in recent memory.

Of course, I’m not talking about a strict count of melanin density. I’m referring to the countless subtle and not-so-subtle ways he telegraphs to a certain type of voter that he is the cultural alternative to America’s first black president. It is a whiteness grounded in a retro vision of the country, one of white picket fences and stay-at-home moms and fathers unashamed of working hard for corporate America. ………….

Contrast that with Mr. Romney’s meticulously cultivated whiteness. He is nearly always in immaculate white shirt sleeves. He is implacably polite, tossing off phrases like “oh gosh” with Stepford bonhomie. He has mastered Benjamin Franklin’s honesty as the “best policy”: a practiced insincerity, an instant sunniness that, though evidently inauthentic, provides a bland bass note that keeps everyone calm. This is the bygone world of Babbitt, of small-town Rotarians.

Mr. Romney does not merely use the past as an inspirational reference point, as the other candidates often do. He conjures it as a total social, cultural and political experience that must be resurrected and reinhabited. He speaks of the founding fathers and the Declaration of Independence as phases of national creativity that we are destined to live through again. He frequently accompanies his recitative with verses from “America the Beautiful.”

And while Mr. Romney may, in some people’s eyes, be a non-Christian, he is better than any of his opponents at synching his worldview with that of the evangelicals. He likes to present, with theological urgency, a stark choice between, in his words, President Obama’s “entitlement society” and the true American freedom of an “opportunity society.”

[A]s became immediately apparent in 2009, millions of Americans were unwilling to accept the basic democratic premise that Mr. Obama legally and morally deserved to sit in the White House — and that was before they confronted his “socialist” and “un-American” policy agenda.

Mitt Romney knows this. He knows that he offers to these people the white solution to the problem of a black president. I am sure that Mr. Romney is not a racist. But I am also sure that, for the many Americans who find the thought of a black president unbearable, he is an ideal candidate. For these sudden outsiders, Mitt Romney is the conventional man with the outsider faith — an apocalyptic pragmatist — who will wrest the country back from the unconventional man with the intolerable outsider color.

Contrast the attitudes and statements of Republican presidential candidates with this statement by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. about confronting evil:

If we lack the courage to confront evil acts, or tendencies toward hatred and discrimination, both within ourselves and in society, they will spread unchecked, as history shows. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people.

A final thought: Note to Gingrich and Santorum – Enough with all the BS homilies about marriage as the guarantor of economic stability. In a nation with a divorce rate of 50% that’s really rich………. If you want to encourage marriage in low-income black communities, stop arresting and incarcerating our men!! That’ll do more to support stable relationships and families than any of the proposals I’ve heard from you to date………….

Has the GOP Become a Cult?

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Dec• 09•11

Okay, I admit I’ve never been a Republican. I’ve never voted for a Republican, although my father did support John V. Lindsay when he was mayor of New York. I guess I’m just one of the millions of “brainwashed” black people Herman Cain (aka Uncle Ruckus) likes to deride. But I did have a certain grudging respect for the Republican Party – it’s ability to maintain discipline, articulate a clear message with conviction and stick with an issue – however unpopular – until it gained legitimacy in the political mainstream (e.g. school vouchers, prison privatization, HMOs, etc.). Lately that grudging respect has turned into terror.

When I look at the Republican Party today, the cartoonish cast of characters that purport to be its leaders (either as presidential candidates or legislative officials), the hateful and ignorant rhetoric that substitutes for substantive policy analysis and the slavish devotion to positions that make no sense (e.g. rejection of climate change, the so-called ‘birther’ controversy, supply-side economics) it occurs to me the GOP has morphed from a legitimate political party into something that resembles a modern day cults.

I know this argument may strike many as exaggerated and ‘over-the-top’ even among those who love bashing the GOP, but before you dismiss this idea out of hand, let me list the common characteristics shared by cult-like groups and see if you think they describe the current GOP. While there is often fierce debate about which organizations/religions/groups can be legitimately characterized as cults, there is general agreement about the common characteristics of cults:

Some common characteristics of cults:

  • Displays excessively zealous and unquestioning commitment to its leader and (whether alive or dead) regards its belief system, ideology, and practices as the truth and/or law.
  • Polarized, us-versus-them mentality – demeaning those who do not share their beliefs, sowing fear and mistrust amongst their members about such people.
  • Questioning, doubt, and dissent are discouraged or even punished.
  • Elitist, claiming a special, exalted status for its leader(s) and members who are on a special mission to save humanity.
  • Teaching or implying that its exalted ends justify whatever means it deems necessary to achieve them.

Let’s see whether the current GOP exhibits these characteristics.

Displays excessively zealous and unquestioning commitment to its leaders (whether dead or alive) and regards its belief system, ideology and practices as truth and/or the law.

It’s hard to dispute that within the GOP, Ronald Reagan has been accorded virtual demi-god status. Every major Republican leader has come and worshipped at the altar of Reagan, holding him up as the model for all would-be conservative Presidents. In many respects Reagan is for conservatives what Jesus is for fundamentalist Christians – an object of uncritical devotion tangentially related to the actual human being. Within this cosmology, Reagan single-handedly brought down the Soviet Union (effectively ending the Cold War), held the line against communist insurgents in Latin America, affirmed the role of Christian faith in the political mainstream and most importantly established the current orthodox belief that government is the enemy of the people and the only way to rein it in is to “starve the beast”. The following video produced by the Heritage Foundation in commemoration of Reagan’s centennial birthday presents Ronald Reagan as icon.

Celebrate President Ronald Reagan’s 100th Birthday

This deified version of Reagan ignores any facts (however well documented) that run counter to the narrative in the same way many fundamentalists conveniently ignore Jesus’ focus on charity, humility and generosity as the prerequisites for living a ‘Christian’ life. One of the many consequences of this revisionist view is that it’s enabled people who label themselves “conservative” to wear the Reagan mantle while embracing policies and tactics Reagan rejected while in power.

The relationship between today’s Republicans and Ronald Reagan was nicely summarized by Jimmy Carter during an interview earlier this year with Rachel Maddow about how the GOP has elevated Reagan to virtual sainthood:

Rachel Maddow – Jimmy Carter On GOP Elevating Ronald Reagan To Sainthood


[skip to 7min 23sec]

Polarized, us-versus-them mentality – demeaning those who do not share their beliefs, sowing fear and mistrust amongst their members about such people

This point hardly needs any demonstration. Almost everything the GOP does and says is polarizing and demeans all those who dare to disagree. What’s particularly pernicious about the polarizing tactics employed by the GOP is that it has expanded well beyond the normal political fights regarding opposing candidates and political power to impact almost every major issue of American life. How people view issues as basic as: scientific education (to teach or not teach evolution?); environmental protection (should business be required to pay for environmental damage and commensurate health consequences?); civic participation (should the government encourage voting?); unions (should workers have the right to organize and improve their working conditions?) are now driven by people’s political identification.

It wasn’t always that way, I remember when Republicans didn’t demonize teachers and public employees, I remember when Republicans supported extending the voting age to 18 year olds, I remember when Republicans like Richard Nixon supported the EPA and touted their record as protectors of land, waters and air.

How did we get to this point? The history is nicely summarized in a Time article entitled, American Discontent: The Problem with Washington Politics:

The first shirts-and-skins President was Ronald Reagan, the first truly conservative Republican elected in 50 years. But it was only after Reagan and his GOP successor, George H.W. Bush, left office that congressional Republicans realized they could use political polarization to stymie government — and use government failure to win elections. And with that realization, vicious-circle politics started to become an art form.

In the 1980s, discrediting government was not the strategy of the congressional GOP, for two reasons. First, the sorting out hadn’t fully sorted itself out yet: the Senate alone boasted moderate Republicans from blue states like Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Oregon, where activist government weren’t dirty words … Second, because Republicans occupied the White House, making government look foolish and corrupt risked making the party look foolish and corrupt too.

All that changed when Bill Clinton took office. With the GOP no longer controlling the White House, a new breed of aggressive Republicans — men like Newt Gingrich, Tom DeLay and Trent Lott — hit on a strategy for discrediting Clinton: discredit government. Rhetorically, they derided Washington as ineffective and conflict-ridden, and through their actions they guaranteed it. Their greatest weapon was the filibuster, which forced Democrats to muster 60 votes to get legislation through the Senate … Merely declaring their intention to filibuster derailed any bill that lacked 60 votes.

In Clinton’s first two years in office, the Gingrich Republicans learned that the vicious circle works. While filibusters were occasionally broken, they also brought much of Clinton’s agenda to a halt, and they made Washington look pathetic….

With these acts of legislative sabotage, Republicans tapped into a deep truth about the American people: they hate political squabbling, and they take out their anger on whoever is in charge. So when the Gingrich Republicans carried out a virtual sit-down strike during Clinton’s first two years, the public mood turned nasty. By 1994, trust in government was at an all-time low, which suited the Republicans fine, since their major line of attack against Clinton’s health care plan was that it would empower government. Clintoncare collapsed, Democrats lost Congress, and Republicans learned the secrets of vicious-circle politics: When the parties are polarized, it’s easy to keep anything from getting done. When nothing gets done, people turn against government. When you’re the party out of power and the party that reviles government, you win.

What began as political tactic has become the governing (or non-governing) principle of the GOP – do not cooperate with the opposition on any issue for any reason even if it’s in the best interest of the country or what the majority of voters want. As famously declared by Republican Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell – his most important objective is to “beat Obama and make him a one-term president.”

In order to avoid accountability for adopting a strategy of deliberate sabotage and obstructionism the GOP is constantly on the offensive – demeaning their opponents as ‘unpatriotic’, ‘immoral’ charlatans who only want to waste people’s money by giving it to the ‘undeserving poor’ in a misguided attempt to impose ‘socialistic’ views on the American people. The modern GOP has been both aided and guided in this goal by the Murdoch communications conglomerate and right-wing echo chamber who spew forth a constant stream of misinformation designed to sow fear and mistrust of anyone who is not an avowed conservative or any source of non-approved information. As noted by Media Matters for America the most recent survey about FOX viewers reaffirmed the results of numerous other surveys that consumers of this steady brain pablum are mentally malnourished:

The release yesterday of yet another survey indicating the more you watch Fox News the less they know, has once again shone a spotlight on one of the unique features that defines Rupert Murdoch’s cable news outlet – it is very, very good at misinforming people. And it’s very bad at reporting the news.

The fear and mistrust generated by conservative media found its highest expression in the emergence of the Tea Party. The Tea Party has been an ideal vehicle for conservatives to promote their anti-people agenda under the guise of populism. With help from the Murdoch empire the Tea Party and its political adherents in Washington and various states have accomplished the amazing feat of cloaking themselves in the mantle of the Founding Fathers who created government while working systematically to destroy it.

Questioning, doubt, and dissent are discouraged or even punished

This characteristic is the most common and also the most dangerous aspect of cults – the requirement both overt and covert that members accept without question the core beliefs, principles or ideology of the group. Adherence is usually enforced through methods that range from expulsion and shunning (Jehovah’s Witnesses) to physical assault and death (Nation of Islam and Malcolm X).

Over the past few election cycles the GOP has been effectively purged of moderates and is being driven by people who’ve embraced hard-right ideology. Anyone who deviates from the conservative line or suggest compromise will face political opposition and/or public criticism at the hands of conservative talk jocks like Rush Limbaugh, Glenn Beck, Laura Ingraham and Pat Buchanan. For elected officials the threat of well-financed challengers has been an effective tool of thought control.

For those in the academic or policy world, other methods have been employed. The case of David Frum, speechwriter to George W. Bush is instructive. He recounts his personal experience in a must-read article entitled: When Did the GOP Lose Touch with Reality?

Through the debate over health-care reform in 2009–10, I urged that Republicans try to reach some kind of deal. The Democrats had the votes to pass something. They could not afford to lose. Providing health coverage to all is a worthy goal, and the core mechanisms of what we called Obamacare should not have been obnoxious to Republicans. In fact, they were drawn from past Republican plans. Democrats were so eager for Republican votes to provide bipartisan cover that they might well have paid a substantial price to get them, including dropping the surtaxes on work and investment that supposedly financed the Affordable Care Act.

My urgings went unheeded, obviously. Senator Jim DeMint predicted that health care would become Obama’s Waterloo, the decisive defeat that would destroy his presidency, and Republicans accepted DeMint’s counsel. So they bet everything – and lost everything. A major new entitlement has been written into law, financed by redistributive new taxes. Changes in the bill that could have been had for the asking will now require years of slow, painful legislative effort, if they ever come at all.

Republicans hope that the Supreme Court will overturn the Affordable Care Act. Such a decision would be the most dramatic assertion of judicial power since the thirties, and for that reason alone seems improbable. Yet absent action by the Supreme Court, outright repeal of President Obama’s health-care law is a mirage, requiring not only 60 votes in the Senate but also the withdrawal of benefits that the American people will have gotten used to by 2013.

On the day of the House vote that ensured the enactment of health-care reform, I wrote a blog post saying all this -and calling for some accountability for those who had led the GOP to this disaster. For my trouble, I was denounced the next day by my former colleagues at The Wall Street Journal as a turncoat. Three days after that, I was dismissed from the American Enterprise Institute. I’m not a solitary case: In 2005, the economist Bruce Bartlett, a main legislative author of the Kemp-Roth tax cut, was fired from a think tank in Dallas for too loudly denouncing the George W. Bush administration’s record, and I could tell equivalent stories about other major conservative think tanks as well. [emphasis added]

Newt Gingrich, in a rare instance of political honesty and candor criticized the Paul Ryan proposal to turn Medicare into a voucher system as an attempt at ”right-wing social engineering,” which he considers not “any more desirable than left-wing social engineering.”  For speaking this truth directly, Gingrich was roundly denounced as a traitor by his fellow conservative Republicans. In a matter of days, Gingrich was forced to apologize and change his position in order to keep his presidential aspirations alive. This rigid political orthodoxy is not just problematic for the GOP as Frum points out, it has dire implications for our democracy:

The conservative shift to ever more extreme, ever more fantasy-based ideology has ominous real-world consequences for American society. The American system of government can’t work if the two sides wage all-out war upon each other: House, Senate, president, each has the power to thwart the others. In prior generations, the system evolved norms and habits to prevent this kind of stonewalling. For example: Theoretically, the party that holds the Senate could refuse to confirm any Cabinet nominees of a president of the other party. Yet until recently, this just “wasn’t done.” In fact, quite a lot of things that theoretically could be done just “weren’t done.” Now old inhibitions have given way. Things that weren’t done suddenly are done.

Elitist – claiming special, exalted status for its leader(s) and members who are on a special mission to save humanity

The Reagan presidency coincided with the emergence of the religious right as a political force in the Republican Party. The alliance between traditional conservatives and the religious right has both strengthened and marginalized the GOP. In hotly contested races the GOP found it could win by using wedge social issues such as opposition to abortion, same-sex marriage and gun control to bring out committed single-issue voters.

In embracing the so-called ‘values voters’ the GOP also embraced positions and policies at odds with the rapid demographic and cultural shifts occurring among the populace. But instead of modifying or altering its positions to be more aligned with mainstream voters, the GOP has double-downed on its assaults on reproductive rights and alternative lifestyles as well as its opposition to any form of gun control. The debate about funding for Planned Parenthood was just the most recent iteration of the federal debate. During the first six months of this year 19 states enacted 80 new provisions to restrict access to abortion services.

Similarly with respect to LGBT issues, conservative Republicans have remained steadfast in their opposition to marriage equality and for repeal of laws banning discrimination based on sexual orientation. Despite overwhelming evidence that they’re losing the public debate, the right adheres rigidly to its views on the pretext that its part of their divine mission to uphold traditional Judeo-Christian values and mores. While all the GOP presidential contenders have embraced conservative social positions, the two who most embody the rigid, evangelical wing of the Republican Party are Rick Santorum and Michelle Bachman.

Rick Santorum Against “Privileges” for Gays

Michele Bachmann: Don’t Settle on Life and Marriage

Teaching or implying that its exalted ends justify whatever means it deems necessary to achieve them

One would think events of the past few years would engender a certain amount of reflection and humility in those who supported the policies that got us into this mess. Instead the GOP has engaged in the greatest feat of collective brainwashing since the demise of the People’s Temple in Jonestown, Guyana. As David Frum ruefully observes:

Some of the smartest and most sophisticated people I know – canny investors, erudite authors—sincerely and passionately believe that President Barack Obama has gone far beyond conventional American liberalism and is willfully and relentlessly driving the United States down the road to socialism. No counterevidence will dissuade them from this belief: not record-high corporate profits, not almost 500,000 job losses in the public sector, not the lowest tax rates since the Truman administration. It is not easy to fit this belief alongside the equally strongly held belief that the president is a pitiful, bumbling amateur, dazed and overwhelmed by a job too big for him – and yet that is done too.

In service to these beliefs the GOP has upped the ante on its extremist rhetoric and tactics. The repeated debasement and vitriol directed at President Obama rivals the response of southern segregationists to Martin Luther King, Jr., it’s purpose is to appeal to racial fears and further undermine the legitimacy of government.

After the election of President Barack Obama the GOP rediscovered the religion of fiscal austerity. Spurred on by Grover Norquist and other anti-tax crusaders, GOP officials in Congress and state houses throughout the country have insisted on significant cuts in government spending at the very time it’s most needed to address the country’s economic crisis. Unemployment is at record high levels and one in three Americans is living in poverty or near poverty, yet conservatives are against extending jobless benefits or increasing food stamp benefits.

Despite the continuing crisis with mortgage debt and foreclosures the GOP has rejected every effort to enable government to help people remain in their homes. Instead the GOP has engaged in political extortion, threatening programs for the most vulnerable and/or a total shutdown of government if its demands for further spending cuts are not met.  The GOP threatened to allow the  government to default on its financial obligations if it did not get its way. This manufactured ‘debt crisis’ resulted in a downgrade of the US credit rating for the first time in the country’s history. The willingness to take the economy over the cliff to prove a political point was anathema to the majority of the country, producing the lowest Congressional approval rating in history – only 9% of the public approves of the job Congress is doing – less than the percentage of people who believe Elvis is still alive.

However, to the GOP base these actions have received overwhelming support making heroes out of hard-liners like Paul Ryan, Eric Cantor and most-notably Michele Bachmann. Bachmann helped found the Congressional Tea Party Caucus and has used the platform it provided to springboard her presidential bid. The Republican presidential debates have shown that rather than moderating their views to appeal to a national constituency, all the presidential contenders have tried to outdo each other in embracing right-wing views on health care, immigration, taxes, regulation, foreign policy, climate change, creationism, the death penalty, etc.  Most importantly, if elected they’ve all vowed to quickly dismantle government – their message in essence is: Put me in charge of government, so I can proceed to destroy it.

This is the political equivalent of saying I have to destroy your body in order to save your soul…

The GOP has made it plain that it is willing to destroy the essence of contemporary American society in service of its ideological vision of America. The modern GOP has no commitment to democracy. The GOP is not a political party – it’s a cult, masquerading as a political party where the only commitment is to attaining and maintaining power. POWER!!! That’s the ultimate goal here – political power which enables the further consolidation and protection of economic power by the top 1% that are the sponsors and funders of the GOP.  The GOP doesn’t believe it should abide by normal political rules. Elections can be rigged, undermined or stolen, and if all else fails – do everything you can to keep your opponents from voting – after all, it’s for a greater good.

Recent Wisconsin politics provides a blueprint of the GOP’s  national agenda – gain control of all three branches of government – executive, legislative and judiciary and then proceed to impose a strong conservative agenda.  The single-mindedness of Wisconsin Republicans in pushing their right-wing agenda despite vocal and active opposition is a reminder of what’s at stake.

President Obama was right in describing this as, ”not just another political debate. This is the defining issue of our time.”

To win this fight we have to understand the GOP is no longer the party we knew it to be. The modern GOP has become a cult run by extremists who cannot be reformed or negotiated with. I leave you with two historical facts: both Hitler and Mussolini were democratically elected to government as representatives of reactionary cult-like organizations masquerading as political parties.

Those who forget the past are destined to repeat it…

Children Of The Drug War – Chapter 5

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Sep• 24•11

Children Of The Drug War

—-

Chapter 5 – Getting The Message

Getting the Message: Hip-hop Reports on the Drug War
Chapter 5: Hip-hop and the Drug War

by Deborah Peterson Small

Music and drugs are fellow travelers. Music is a universal medium of expression. Drugs have been used throughout human history by people of all ages. Both stir emotion and moods, and can alter one’s state of mind in minutes. Music is a particularly favored medium of youth. Throughout modern history music has provided a means for young people to express their concerns and angst. Illicit drug use is also a common experience of youth, particularly in the United States. According to the most recent Monitoring the Future (MTF) survey more than 45% of all high school seniors reported using an illicit drug in their lifetime. Consequently, it is no exaggeration to say that music, drugs, and youth travel in the same circles.

Hip-hop began as an urban movement encompassing rap music, break dancing, graffiti art, and fashion – created in New York City during the late 1970s, it reflected the hopes and aspirations as well as the many challenges facing inner-city youth. Its dominant feature is “rap” (performed by MCs – aka ‘masters of ceremonies’)—a discursive oral art form that traces its roots to the griots of West Africa.1 In its purest form, known as “freestyling,” rap is about creating extemporaneous poetry delivered to rhythmic beats. A rapper is distinguished by verbal agility, demonstrated in competitive ‘battles’. DJs (disc jockeys) create the soundtrack of hip-hop by sampling parts of existing songs, looping them, and adding new sounds to create music to rap to. Break-dancing is competitive street dancing consisting of elements demonstrating physical agility and strength. Graffiti is a popular method utilized by young urban artists to communicate identity, expression, and ideas through drawings, markings, and messages painted, written, or scratched on a wall or surface (in New York City, the surface was often subway trains).

The advent of hip-hop coincided with the escalation of the “war on drugs” in the United States in the early 1980s. In response to concern over growth of the illicit drug trade and increasing use of smokable cocaine (known as “crack” or “rocks”) in inner-city communities, Congress passed new laws that intensified the “war on drugs” and in short time, state legislators followed suit. At both the federal and state levels, lawmakers adopted expansive definitions of “drug-related crimes” and required imposition of harsh sentences aimed at keeping individuals with any connection to drugs behind bars for longer periods of time. Despite the reality of problematic drug use among every socioeconomic and demographic group, these new laws would be enforced most vigorously in poor black and Latino communities—with devastating effects on multiple generations of men, women, and children.

A frequent justification given by U.S. officials for enacting such “get tough” approaches is the need to protect vulnerable youth from drugs, drug sellers, and drug-related crime. Ironically, the expanding definition of “drug-related crimes” increasingly ensnared juveniles charged and prosecuted as adults for drug offenses. Not surprisingly, black youth are disproportionately represented among youth arrested and charged with drug offenses and among juveniles prosecuted as adults for drug offenses, despite consistent evidence that black youth have a lower rate of illicit drug use than their white counterparts. According to the most recent MTF survey:

Among the most dramatic and interesting subgroup differences are those found among the three largest racial/ethnic groups—Whites, African Americans, and Hispanics. Contrary to popular assumption, at all three grade levels African-American students have substantially lower rates of use of most licit and illicit drugs than do Whites. These include any illicit drug use, most of the specific illicit drugs, alcohol, and cigarettes.2 [emphasis added]

Over the past three decades, legislators throughout the United States have adopted a variety of policies that send more minority youth to criminal court. These measures include: lowering the age at which juveniles can be prosecuted as adults; expanding the categories of crimes for which youth are automatically prosecuted in criminal court; giving prosecutors the exclusive authority to decide which juveniles are charged as adults; and limiting the discretion of judges to overturn decisions by prosecutors and law enforcement officials. The effect of these policies has been dramatic, nowhere more so than in New York (the first state to adopt long mandatory drug sentencing) and California, which have the distinction of sending more young black and Latino men to prison each year than graduate from their state colleges and universities. Not surprisingly, New York and California have been at the center of major developments in the history of hip-hop.

Much has been written regarding the dramatic growth in the U.S. prison population; the role of punitive drug policies in fueling this growth; and the racially disparate consequences of drug law enforcement on poor black communities. In addition to the numerous books, articles, reports, and research studies chronicling these developments, stories of the drug war and its impact pervade hip-hop music. Anyone seeking to understand the effects of decades of drug law enforcement on poor minority youth should listen to the lyrics and music of the generations of young people who have lived on the frontlines of the U.S. “war on drugs.”

Delivering the Message: News from the Streets to the Ears of the World

Hip-hop was created by alienated and marginalized youth seeking to tell their stories. In the 1980s, rappers used hip-hop to express their disillusionment, despair, anger, and impatience about what was happening to them and their communities. Hip-hop music revealed the not-so-hidden consequences of growing income inequality.

One of the first consciously political hip-hop recordings was “The Message” by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five. Released in 1983, it is a musical exhortation against complacency in the face of growing poverty and desperation. Its opening lines paint a bleak but honest picture of daily life in many ghettoized communities:

Broken glass everywhere People pissing on the stairs, you know they just don’t care I can’t take the smell, I can’t take the noise Got no money to move out, I guess I got no choice Rats in the front room, roaches in the back Junkies in the alley with the baseball bat

A later verse explains how childhood deprivation, living second rate, often leads to involvement in the criminal justice system. The lack of options for such children is acutely observed – their environment mirroring their future – one great big alley way.

You’ll admire all the number book takers Thugs, pimps, pushers and the big money makers Driving big cars, spending twenties and tens And you wanna grow up to be just like them

The attraction of criminality set against such a bleak outlook is clear. The song, however, is a warning. It predicts the loss of education, violence and inevitable incarceration. It predicts the loss of youth. Its chorus could not be more explicit or poetic in describing the artists’ feelings about this: Don’t push me cause I’m close to the edge.

The issues addressed in “The Message”: poor living conditions; dearth of positive male role models; non-engagement with education; chronic unemployment; the lure of criminality; police brutality; and incarceration are recurring themes in hip-hop music and culture.

Crack Game: Dealing Drugs, Employment Opportunity for the Discarded

Hip-hop developed during a period of extraordinary economic transition—the flight of manufacturing and other traditional businesses from urban areas left a significant portion of young men with minimal employment prospects. Black and Latino males with poor grades and especially those who dropped out of school, faced a hostile and competitive labor market—long periods of unemployment soon became the norm. Into this vacuum stepped drug cartels that saw in these young men a ready labor pool with direct ties to new, lucrative markets and considerable drive to make enough money to get out of their ghetto neighborhoods. The economic pressures that compel many young black and Latino men to enter the illicit drug market are described repeatedly in hip-hop music.

In “Love’s Gonna Get’ Cha/Material Love” (1990) KRS-One tells a compelling story of coming of age into the drug business, rapping about growing up poor and being lured by the opportunity to make money to help his family.

Every day I see my mother struggling, now it’s time I’ve got to do something, says the narrator, describing then the embarrassment of rejection from work and the degradation of menial jobs. Easy money comes in the form of a quick delivery for a local dealer – I do it once, I do it twice, now there’s steak with the beans and rice… my family’s happy everything is new, now tell me what the fuck am I supposed to do?

The narrator soon becomes a moderately successful drug dealer able to provide for his family and enjoy some of the finer things in life for a while, but a beef with a rival dealer results in the shooting of his brother leading to a gun battle that results in the police killing two of his friends.

Most politicians, community leaders, and media portrayed young minority men involved in the street drug trade as lazy, irresponsible parasites. As the drug war raged on through the 1980s and 1990s, hip-hop artists responded to the demonization of drug dealers by pointing to the hypocrisy of a system that rewarded wealth and power regardless of the method by which it was acquired and yet penalized black men who sought the same by utilizing the few economic options available to them.

In “I Want to Talk to You” (1999), Nas—considered by music critics one of the most lyrically gifted hip-hop artists—challenges the prevailing condemnation of drug dealing, asserting that for many it is a means of survival amidst a desert of other options – Niggaz gotta go create his own job. He asks the nation’s political leaders what they would do in the same situation:

Mr. Mayor imagine this was your backyard/Mr. Governor imagine it’s your kids that starved. And he implicates them in the situation facing young black men, explaining in so few words how racism, capitalism and class make involvement in criminality all but unavoidable: all I got is what you left me with, I’m gonna get it

In “Manifesto” (1998), Talib Kweli tells the truth succinctly:

Supply and the demand it’s all capitalism People don’t sell crack cause they like to see blacks smoke People sell crack cause they broke

The rise of hip-hop came at a time when the U.S. music industry was in transition. New technologies brought unanticipated changes—affecting record sales and profits. Hip-hop provided a much needed boost to an ailing industry with its new sounds, creativity, and energy. The commercial success of hip-hop correspondingly provided economic opportunities for marginalized black men at a time when other employment options were becoming scarce. One group well positioned to seize the opportunities hip-hop provided for financial reward was ghetto entrepreneurs (aka drug dealers). Ironically, some of the most successful and well-known hip- hop moguls were involved in the illicit drug economy early in life. Many leveraged the proceeds from illegal drugs to finance their start in the music industry. This path, followed by Russell Simmons, Jay-Z, Master P, Nas, Notorious B.I.G., Eazy-E, Suge Knight, 50 Cent, Lil Wayne, and countless others, has led generations of hip-hop fans throughout America to believe that if you are smart and lucky, selling drugs can be a step towards establishing a successful music career.

In “Drug Dealer” (1992), KRS-One makes the point that historically profits from crime have eased the path for many upwardly mobile Americans:

Drug dealer, understand historical fact Every race got ahead from selling drugs except Black We are under attack here’s another cold fact In the 30s and 40s the drug dealer wasn’t Black They were Jewish, Italian, Irish, Polish etc., etcetera Now in the 90s their lives are a lot better

Thugs with Drugs: The Rise of Gangster Rap

We treat this rap shit just like handlin weight
JAY-Z, “Rap Game/Crack Game” (1997)

Given the relationship between hip-hop music and street drug culture it’s not surprising that rap lyrics reference the many similarities between the music and drug business. The economic success of hip-hop music and culture created a new path to escape ghetto life. While many inner-city youth dreamed of a career in professional sports, achieving it required extraordinary physical attributes and gifts few are born with. Hip-hop provided the promise of fame and fortune to the verbally gifted who didn’t sing or dance. Anyone with the ability to write and deliver rhymes or create new beats could ostensibly become a star. As hip-hop continued to grow in popularity and influence, the numbers of young black men and women who sought to ride the hip-hop train to fame grew exponentially. However, as is true in many markets, the proliferation of hip-hop talent made it easy for the industry to exploit new and unsophisticated artists. Many artists were unaware that the commercial success of hip-hop culture was built on appealing to a different demographic than the group the music was initially created for. Record companies discovered a highly lucrative market for hip-hop in alienated suburban white youth who reveled in the violence, misogyny and criminality expressed in some hip-hop music which they adopted as the authentic experience of inner-city youth. By some estimates, 80 percent of hip-hop music is bought by white youth.

The genre of hip-hop music most appealing to alienated white youth is “gangster rap,” celebrating the lifestyle commonly associated with gamblers, gangsters, pimps, hustlers, and drug traffickers. Its essence is selfish, misogynistic, violent, materialistic, and amoral. Gangster rap first developed in Los Angeles and is directly related to the growing involvement of LA gangs (primarily the Crips and Bloods) in the drug trade. The group that put gangster rap on the map was N.W.A. (Niggaz with Attitude). By taking on the hated “N word” (nigger) and the negative characteristics associated with it, the group was declaring itself outside contemporary society—both white and black. By adding the description “with Attitude,” they were serving notice that, like gangsters, they were dangerous and not to be messed with. One of the founding members, Eazy-E, initially conceived of the group and the record label they started as a way to launder the money he made selling drugs. As gangster rap grew in notoriety and profits, many hip-hop artists promoting themselves as “gangster rappers” conspicuously took the names and aliases of well-known mafia and drug cartel leaders (e.g., Junior Mafia, Noriega, Gambino, Escobar) to establish their affinity with those choosing to live by the “Code of the Streets” (1994) as described by Gang Starr:

I’ll organize some brothers and get some crazy loot Selling d-r-u-g-s and clocking dollars, troop Cause the phat dough, yo, that suits me fine I gotta have it so I can leave behind

The mad poverty, never having always needing If a sucker steps up, then I leave him bleeding … You gotta be a pro, do what you know

When you’re dealing with the code of the streets

The Wu-Tang Clan succinctly summed up the prevailing value in the United States, when they proclaimed in their mega-hit “C.R.E.A.M.” (1994), “Cash Rules Everything Around Me, Get the Money, Dollar, Dollar Bills Y’all.” Gangster rap celebrates this lifestyle with its promise of quick financial gain and easy sexual conquests. However, it is worth noting that aside from the prevalence of guns, the sentiments and attitudes reflected in gangster

rap are very similar to the values and behavior that have prevailed on Wall Street over the past three decades. “Greed is good,” has been the dominant ethos of mainstream financiers who made billions selling toxic products to unwitting customers who became addicted to the financial “high” of increasing profits and cheap borrowed money, no matter how risky. Unlike the titans of Wall Street who were rescued from the consequences of their follies by the federal government and successfully avoided prosecution, today’s rappers are increasingly caught in a trap partly of their own making. Establishing one’s criminal bona fides has become a prerequisite for legitimacy as a gangster rapper, and artists vie to exceed each other in verbal boasts of flouting the law. Prosecutors have become creative at using the lyrics of gangster rappers as evidence of criminal activity, leading to several high-profile prosecutions.

In reality, the life of the average street drug dealer is often harsh, dangerous, and financially unrewarding. This is well-described in “Last Dayz” by Onyx (1995). Beginning with a line borrowed from the 1993 film Menace II Society – I’m America’s nightmare, young black and just don’t give a fuck – the track describes a life of zero options, crime and violence. There are messages of suicide – thinking of taking my own life, might as well – and violent ends – and I’ll probably bite the bullet cause I live by the gun. Perhaps most striking, however, is the sense of resignation. The chorus sums it up:

It’s life on the edge, a dangerous way of livin, never givin a shit cause we livin in it – we never givin a shit cause we living in it

The opportunity to earn big money as a street-level drug dealer is almost as elusive for most black and Latino men as making it into professional sports. Several studies suggest the average street drug dealer earns slightly more than minimum wage and receives no extras for the safety hazards associated with the job (e.g., gunshots, beat-downs, theft), or

compensation if hurt or arrested.

“Sound of Da Police”: Hip-hop on Law Enforcement

The rise of hip-hop paralleled the exponential growth of imprisonment fueled by drug law enforcement. Hip-hop expresses the sentiments of minority inner-city youth who profoundly distrust the criminal justice system. This distrust begins with law enforcement. The police are viewed by many as a legal gang with which minority youth are perpetually at war.

In “Sound of da Police” (1993), KRS-One expands the critique of police harassment suggested at the end of “The Message” with a direct attack that connects modern-day police practices with the behavior of plantation overseers during chattel slavery:

Take the word “overseer,” like a sample Repeat it very quickly in a crew for example Overseer, Overseer, Overseer, Overseer! Officer, Officer, Officer, Officer!

Yeah, officer from overseer You need a little clarity? Check the similarity! …

The overseer had the right to get ill And if you fought back, the overseer had the right to kill The officer has the right to arrest And if you fight back they put a hole in your chest!

N.W.A. (Niggaz with Attitude) gained fame and notoriety for expressing the absolute contempt many young black Angelenos had for the Los Angeles Police Department,

which was considered to be brutal and corrupt. In “Fuck tha Police” (1988) the group holds a mock trial where they find the police guilty of multiple crimes against young black men from Compton. They describe harassment:

Fuckin with me cuz I’m a teenager With a little bit of gold and a pager Searchin my car, lookin for the product Thinkin every nigga is sellin narcotics

And racially-motivated violence, accusing the police of claiming the authority to kill a minority.

Bass, How Low Can You Go? Hip-Hop on Drug Addiction

“Bass, How Low Can You Go?” is the famous double entendre opening to Public Enemy’s 1988 album It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back.4 Bass, of course, refers to a male vocal range, the bass guitar, the bass drum, a bass line. Base, on the other hand, refers to freebase. “White Lines” (1983) by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five, however, was one of the first hip-hop songs to address the problem of drug addiction—in particular, the growing menace posed by cocaine, specifically freebasing.

Ticket to ride, white line highway Tell all your friends, they can go my way Pay your toll, sell your soul Pound for pound costs more than gold The longer you stay, the more you pay My white lines go a long way Either up your nose or through your vein With nothin to gain except killin’ your brain

While drinking and cannabis smoking are often glorified in gangster rap (for example the entire “Doggystyle” album by Snoop Doggy Dogg, 1993), this is not reflective of hip hop more

broadly. “I Need Drugs” (2000) is an amusingly ironic ode to crack cocaine addiction by Necro. While funny in places, it glorifies nothing. If anything, the core message is a sense of shame:

I ain’t got no pride, While buying the shit I’m lying to myself telling the runner I’m trying to quit It’s all make believe, I pretend that I’m true When you give me credit, I’ll dodge you every chance that I get to Even if its good, I’ll sniff it up in a minute Beep you back and complain that you put too much cut in it

What We Seeing is…: Hip-hop on Prison

Public Enemy’s “Bring the Noise,” quoted above, relates not only to addiction but also to the drug trade and prisons. “Bass, how low can you go?” is the question. “Death row, what a brother know” is the answer. In just twelve words, Chuck D had drawn the connection between drugs, addiction, the consequences of involvement in the drug trade and the violence that surrounds it for young black men. Throughout the many genres of hip-hop music, there are messages about prison and prison life. While gangster rap is best known for its glorification of drug dealing, gang banging, and lifestyles of hedonistic criminality, many of the same groups that made gangster rap popular also rap about prison life, much based on personal experience. Hip-hop artists who have been through the criminal justice system are too numerous to count, a reflection of the prevalence of incarceration among young black men. Since “The Message,” hip-hop music has included tales of incarceration.

In “Locked in Spofford” (1993) Mobb Deep describes juvenile detention and violent necessities of getting by – Here, it takes a lot of heart to live… Niggaz got me fightin for my life, cause shit is real. DMX, meanwhile, describes the revolving door of the criminal justice system and lock- down in maximum security in 2001′s “Who We Be”:

The release, the warning, “Try not to get in trouble” The snitches, the odds, probation, parole The new charge, the bail, the warrant, the hole …

The twenty-three hours that’s locked, the one hour that’s not The silence, the dark, the mind, so fragile

Ludacris’ “Do Your Time” (2006) develops this theme. The track is a call to those incarcerated to endure:

I’d dream that I could tell Martin Luther we made it But half of my black brothers are still incarcerated … If you doin 25 to life—stay up homie.

I got your money on ice so—stay up homie If you locked in the box keep makin it through Do your time (do your time) don’t let your time do you

In and imaginative take on the subject Nas, “Last Words” (1999), writes from the perspective of the prison, describing its relationship with the inmates that inhabit its world. The approach amplifies the experience for the listener, and brings home the reality of prison, in particular, the utter lack of privacy

Convicts think they alone but if they listen close They can hear me groan touch the wall feel my pulse All the pictures you put up is stuck to my skin I hear ya prayers (even when ya whisperin) …

And the erosion of dignity:

I saw too many inmates fallin apart Call for the guards to let them out at night when it’s dark … No remorse for your tears I seen em too often

When you cry I make you feel alive inside a coffin

Conclusion:

It is difficult to fully appreciate the impact of hip-hop culture on generations of young men of color growing up in the era of the modern “war on drugs” in the United States. Rather than attempting to encapsulate it, I leave it to the eloquent words contained in the following quotation from Aneraé “X-Raided” Brown, a California inmate:

I am the fabled crack baby. A boy who became a teen during what some argue was one of the roughest, most dangerous periods in U.S. history. I turned 14 in 1988, a black boy, a fledgling member of the notorious Crip gang, trying to learn how to fly, in the wrong direction, unknowingly, with lead wings. Pistols, cocaine, HIV/AIDS, the Cold War; how those things became the concerns of a 14 year old . . . God only knows. A boy who learned by what he decried, I was an impressionable teen absorbing the teachings that emanated from the conditions I saw on a daily basis, which included police brutality, the devastation of the gang and crack epidemics on the black community, and an overall fear and disdain of both white people and law enforcement, issues which were largely ignored by the mainstream media. The only journalistic reports being published that addressed these matters to reach my eyes and ears were coming to me in the form of hip- hop music, videos, movies and magazines . . . and the strongest voices of all, which came from a few little groups you may have heard of that went by the names of Public Enemy, NWA, and the Geto Boys. They were, to the streets, what The Beatles were to white folk. What James Brown, Curtis Mayfield and Marvin Gaye were to older black folk. They were the voices of our generation. Chuck D and Ice Cube’s voices are as recognizable to us as Paul McCartney and John Lennon’s are to, say, a Baby Boomer, for perspective. “Fight the Power,” “Fu*k the Police”—You know Chuck D and Ice Cube’s voices and the sounds of Dr. Dre and The Bomb Squad, even if you do not know their names and faces.5

Deborah Peterson Small is the founder and Executive Director of Break the Chains: Communities of Color and the War on Drugs, based in the United States.

1. A griot is a African poet, musician and oral historian.

2. Johnston, L. D., OʼMalley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., &Schulenberg, J. E. (2011). Monitoring the Future national results on adolescent drug use: Overview of key findings, 2010. Ann Arbor: Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan, p. 50.

3. Guns are not a vicarious thrill but a fact of life—the number-one cause of death for young black men, especially those involved in drug- related activities. Nor is going to prison just tough-guy talk but a general eventuality, since one in four black men will do time at some point in their lives, usually while young.

4. This is the opening line to the song “Bring the Noise.”

5. Aneraé “‘X-Raided’ Brown, Black History Month: A Convict’s Perspective,” www.amoeba.com/blog/ 2009/02/jamoeblog/black-history-month-a-convict-s-perspective-pt-1-longtime-incarcerated-california- rap-artist-x-raided-offers-his-perspective-.html.

Casting the First and Last Stone……………

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Sep• 20•11

John 8
Jesus went unto the mount of Olives. And early in the morning he came again into the temple, and all the people came unto him; and he sat down, and taught them. And the scribes and Pharisees brought unto him a woman taken in adultery; and when they had set her in the midst, They say unto him, Master, this woman was taken in adultery, in the very act. Now Moses in the law commanded us, that such should be stoned: but what sayest thou? This they said, tempting him, that they might have to accuse him. But Jesus stooped down, and with his finger wrote on the ground, as though he heard them not. So when they continued asking him, he lifted up himself, and said unto them, He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her. And again he stooped down, and wrote on the ground. And they which heard it, being convicted by their own conscience, went out one by one, beginning at the eldest, even unto the last: and Jesus was left alone, and the woman standing in the midst. When Jesus had lifted up himself, and saw none but the woman, he said unto her, Woman, where are those thine accusers? hath no man condemned thee? She said, No man, Lord. And Jesus said unto her, Neither do I condemn thee: go, and sin no more.

“In moments of immense sadness, moments that shake the foundation of our faith in the justice system and in mankind, there are often no words that can adequately express one’s grief and outrage,” said NAACP President and CEO [Ben] Jealous. “Despite overwhelming evidence pointing to his innocence, the execution will proceed and Troy Davis will live his last day on September 21.”

Larry Cox, executive director of Amnesty International AIUSA (AIUSA), said it was “unconscionable” that the board denied Davis relief. “Allowing a man to be sent to death under an enormous cloud of doubt about his guilt is an outrageous affront to justice,” he said.

I don’t know the members of the Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles – very few people do. The identities of the people who the hold the ultimate power of life and death over Troy Davis and others sitting on Georgia’s death row are kept secret from the public, from the inmates and their families, from the people responsible for enforcing their decisions. So, I fully acknowledge that I don’t know who these people are but I would lay odds the majority of them consider themselves good, upright Christians doing the Lord’s work.

I wonder if they ever consider what Jesus would think and do in their position? More importantly, what if they were making the same mistake Pontius Pilate made when he sentenced Jesus to death? History has not looked kindly on Pilate’s willingness to accept the unsupported claims of Jesus’ detractors that he committed capital crimes against Rome. History will not look kindly on the decision of this Board to execute a man who may in fact be innocent. He is certainly not guilty beyond a reasonable doubt………..

Perhaps instead of delivering an oral argument for clemency they could have made the Board watch the seminal movie about jury deliberations: 12 Angry Men……….

I question why the New York Times story about the Georgia Pardon Board decision contained quotes from the slain officer’s family but none from Troy Davis’ family? Contrast the New York Times piece with today’s article in the Atlanta Journal Constitution.

What a sad state of affairs, instead of a political culture that appreciates the Henry Fonda’s of the world (think Obama) – cerebral, decent, fair and just, our culture elevates the Lee J. Cobb characters (think Perry) – unlearned, hypocritical, aggressive and mean………… Execution is our version of stoning……….the result is the same
DEATH!!!!!

Trading Blacks for Bucks, pt. 2…………..

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Sep• 20•11

I first learned about the impact of the ‘war on drugs’ on Afro-Colombians when I attended the World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa in 2001. It was there I heard the following testimony delivered by Ana del Carmen Martinez, an Afro-Colombian mother of seven. She is one of the tens of thousands of community leaders driven from their land – casualties in the global “war on drugs” funded by U.S. taxpayers.

My name is Ana del Carmen Martinez; I am 39 years old and have a large family of ten people. I have been a widow for five years. I am responsible for my seven children and for my mother, who is an invalid. I am both mother and father to my children, and I am already a grandmother with two grandchildren. I live in Colombia, a country which is said to be democratic. The State says the problem comes from the production of cocaine, the violence is because of the guerillas and that we, the victims of the State – are guerillas.

………………………
Our story is one among millions of similar stories suffered by many people in Colombia. Millions of peasants, blacks, indigenous people and mestizos are forced to leave their lands.

……………………….

One day in February of 1997, we were woken by the noise of planes and helicopters belonging to the Colombian Army, which dropped enormous bombs over the land. At the same time, the armed civilians entered, telling everyone
that we had two hours to leave the zone. They captured one of our brothers, tied him up, and while he was still alive, they cut off his arms joint by joint, his legs and his testicles; finally, they cut off his head and played soccer with it in front of our community. They threatened us and told us that if we made any noise or spoke then we knew what would happen to us. Afterwards they went to other communities, saying that everyone had to leave. While they displaced us, there were three days of bombings by the planes and helicopters of the Colombian Army.

I was forced to flee on a raft with my elderly parents and my seven children, parting the vegetation with my arms to pave the way, and with the children crying of hunger since we left without even a plantain to eat. We had to leave
everything we had behind and I know that they took it all. What they couldn’t carry away they destroyed.

………………………………..

We were forced to go to places to which we were not accustomed. What we know is working the land, it is what we learned with pride from the time that we are very young, it is our ancestral culture. There we started to feel the
discrimination as they treated us badly and blamed us for everything, including theft and our unhygienic conditions.

At that time we lived in a lot of fear, but with Resistance. We didn’t dare to leave the encampments, but we struggled to survive with basic nutrition. There were many sad children but we laughed, we sang and had parties. Joy is RESISTANCE. We were sure that they wanted to kill us but we weren’t going to let them and they couldn’t buy our souls. We continue to be very tense because the armed invaders are on our lands, but we face their bullets and their powerful arms with RESISTANCE. We lack the solidarity of all the millions of black, indigenous, mestizo, white, and yellow men and women from innumerable places around the world that allow us to make our dreams of self-determination, life and dignity; our Life Project, a reality.

I never forgot the testimony I heard that day – in part because of the horrific brutality, it seemed downright medieval – and also because Ana del Carmen Martinez looked so much like my relatives, I couldn’t get her face out of my mind. Nor could I forget the sound of the interpreter’s voice when she broke down in tears as she translated Mrs. Martinez’ words from Spanish.

Eight years later it was me who broke down in tears as I listened to the group of displaced people living in a settlement camp on the outskirts of Cali describe being driven off their land by paramilitaries protected by the Colombian army. One man painfully recounted being forced to watch as paramilitaries used a hacksaw to cut off a woman’s breasts before slicing up the rest of her body and dumping it in the river. The paramilitaries not only killed people indiscriminately but also forced families to ransom the bodies of their dead loved ones.

Afro-Colombian communities along the rivers in Choco have traditionally relied on fishing to sustain themselves and earn a living. When I met with local leaders they told me they had stopped eating fish from the rivers – because they feared the fish had been feeding on remains of all the people who’d been dumped there.

Massacre of Afro-Colombian youth-Buenaventura - 4-01-05

While the drug war in Colombia is hardly new – who hasn’t heard of Pablo Escobar or the Medellin and Cali cocaine cartels? – it received new life during the Clinton administration in the form of Plan Colombia – a $1.3 billion package of mainly military assistance. Plan Colombia was supposed to cut Colombian cocaine production in half by mid-decade, and while total US expenditures on it have risen to $7.3 billion, that goal was clearly not met. Despite years of aerial eradication, coca remains stubbornly entrenched in the Colombian countryside, showing a significant decline only in 2009, after Colombia switched from spraying to manual eradication. But, as experts have noted, that decline has been offset by increases in cultivation in Peru and Bolivia. Total coca cultivation in the Andes region has remained remarkably consistent since 2003, at about 150,000 hectares per year.

According to Juan Carlos Hidalgo, Latin American analyst for the Cato Institute:

One of the best measures to see if the supply of cocaine has decreased is to look at price, but what that tells us is that cocaine was 23% cheaper in 2007 than it was in 1998 when Plan Colombia was launched,” said Hidalgo. “It is clear that Plan Colombia has failed in its main goal, which was to reduce the supply of cocaine to the US market.”

I witnessed the failure of the coca eradication program myself when I traveled to Guaviare in the southern part of Colombia – long a center for coca production. It doesn’t take a genius to figure out why local peasant farmers – known colloquially as ‘campesinos’ continue to cultivate coca.

First – the condition of the roads make it almost impossible to bring any perishable crop to market in a timely fashion. It took hours of traveling in jeep over extremely rough terrain for us to travel to approx. 50 kms from the city center to the countryside. As the pictures below illustrate the roads were virtually impassable because of the mud – and it wasn’t even the rainy season!! Coca farmers don’t have to worry about getting their harvest to market – the narco-traffickers come and pick up the leaves when they are harvested and ready for processing.

Second, aerial spraying kills everything in its path, trees, livestock, vegetation. What’s ironic is the hardiest plant in the local biosphere is coca. In fields that were recently sprayed, the only green in sight was the hardy coca plants with their distinctive bright green leaves. Farmers living in coca growing regions often have their land sprayed regardless of whether it contains coca, even if their land is not sprayed directly, the wind carries the pesticide, destroying their crops, sickening their livestock and destroying any possibility of food security. We asked one woman why she kept growing coca when her land had been sprayed more than five times – she replied she had no other choice, she had to feed her children and coca was the only crop for which there was always a cash market.

Third, drug prohibition artificially inflates the value of coca in relationship to other crops. The demand for cocaine in high-income industrialized countries (e.g. U.S., U.K., Canada, Australia) guarantees a global market that doesn’t exist for most other crops. In much the same way that alcohol prohibition inflated the price of illegal and ‘bootleg’ liquor, drug prohibition inflates the price for coca relative to everything else. The reality is:

“We’ve tried everything,” said Hidalgo. “Aggressive aerial spraying of fields, manual eradication, as well as softer measures to entice producers to adopt other crops, and it’s all failed. As long as the price of cocaine remains inflated by prohibition, there is big profit and big incentive for producers and traffickers to grow the plant and export the product to the US and elsewhere. The only way to curtail this is by legalizing cocaine. Other than that, I don’t see this as a battle that can be won.”

Part of the reason Plan Colombia has failed in its mission to reduce coca production and distribution is because it has failed to get at the roots of the problems. As explained by Vanda Felbab-Brown, a drugs and counterinsurgency expert at the Brookings Institution:

“Counternarcotics cannot solve Colombia’s problems, because coca is not at the root of those problems. “There is only so much that counternarcotics programs can do given the basic economic and political situation in Colombia. You have a set-up where labor is heavily taxed and capital and land are lightly taxed, so even when you get economic growth, it doesn’t generate jobs, it only concentrates money in the hands of the rich. The Colombian government has been unwilling to address these issues, and inequality continues to grow. You can only do so much if you can’t generate legal jobs. You have to take on entrenched elites, the bases of political power in Colombia, and Uribe’s people are not interested in doing that.”

Some argue that Uribe’s departure signaled a turn in Colombia’s domestic policy, that the new administration is less ideologically driven and committed to restoring Colombians’ confidence in good governance. Yet 24 members of the CBC and House Progressive Caucus were concerned about the lack of progress in Colombia under the new government to write the following letter to President Obama expressing their concerns and urging greater consideration of the impact of the proposed FTA on Afro-Colombians and indigenous peoples in Colombia:

As you know, Members of Congress have consistently denounced the syste matic paramilitary persecution and assass inations of Afro-Colombian, indigenous and labor rights activists in Colombia. We are concerned that our voices on this subject are not being heard and our concerns are not being adequately addressed. Full implementation of the Colombian Action Plan Related to Labor Rights, and the reform of the CTA model , are critical to any serious discussion of free trade with Colombia. We insist that the Ministry of Labor and Justice’s protection programs, which the Action Plan seeks to broaden, includ e protection for Afro-Colombian labor activists who face political persecution.

Here’s hoping progressive Democrats maintain this position and don’t let the desire to obtain a win for the President justify endorsing a trade agreement that will mean a huge loss to workers in Colombia and the U.S.



Poverty: When Silence = Death

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Sep• 15•11

Do you remember September 2005, when in the wake of Hurricane Katrina the nation woke up to the reality of serious poverty in the U.S? The shameful images from New Orleans – bloated bodies floating in the floodwaters; families stranded on rooftops surrounding by floodwaters begging for rescue; the sea of desperate faces in the Superdome stranded for days in the heat without adequate lights, sanitation, food or water – jolted many Americans from blind complacency into recognition that we do not live in a country of opportunity for all. Do you remember George Bush’s speech from Jackson Square in New Orleans when he said the following?:

As all of us saw on television, there is also some deep, persistent poverty in this region as well. And that poverty has roots in a history of racial discrimination, which cut off generations from the opportunity of America. We have a duty to confront this poverty with bold action. So let us restore all that we have cherished from yesterday, and let us rise above the legacy of inequality.

It seemed for a brief moment that the country was ready to face a problem that is increasing in scope and complexity – income inequality and the existence of chronic, persistent poverty. Newsweek’s cover story from Sept. 19, 2005 was typical of the both the coverage and the common wisdom. The cover picture was of a black child with tears running down her cheeks and the title of the story said it all- Poverty, Race and Katrina: Lessons of a National Shame. The cover story by Jonathan Alter began this way:

It takes a hurricane. It takes a catastrophe like Katrina to strip away the old evasions, hypocrisies and not-so-benign neglect. It takes the sight of the United States with a big black eye–visible around the world–to help the rest of us begin to see again. For the moment, at least, Americans are ready to fix their restless gaze on enduring problems of poverty, race and class that have escaped their attention. Does this mean a new war on poverty? No, especially with Katrina’s gargantuan price tag. But this disaster may offer a chance to start a skirmish, or at least make Washington think harder about why part of the richest country on earth looks like the Third World.

“I hope we realize that the people of New Orleans weren’t just abandoned during the hurricane,” Sen. Barack Obama said last week on the floor of the Senate. “They were abandoned long ago–to murder and mayhem in the streets, to substandard schools, to dilapidated housing, to inadequate health care, to a pervasive sense of hopelessness.”

Alas, our national interest in addressing poverty and income inequality lasted only as long as the news cycle. As soon as daily news coverage of Katrina waned, poverty disappeared once again from the public agenda and consciousness. By October 2005, Congressional Republicans were already pushing for budget cuts to offset expenditures on disaster relief. Even then conservative Republicans were singing the gospel of tax cuts for the wealthy as the key to prosperity and economic growth. According to Rep. Mike Pence, (then leader of the House Conservative Caucus):

“Raising taxes in the wake of a national catastrophe would imperil the very economic growth we need to bring the Gulf Coast back. …. I’m mindful of what a pipe fitter once said to President Reagan: ‘I’ve never been hired by a poor man.’ A growing economy is in the interest of every working American, regardless of their income.”

Liberals were rightly dismayed.

“We’ve had a stunning reversal in just a few weeks,” said Robert Greenstein, director of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a liberal advocacy group in Washington. “We’ve gone from a situation in which we might have a long-overdue debate on deep poverty to the possibility, perhaps even the likelihood, that low-income people will be asked to bear the costs. I would find it unimaginable if it wasn’t actually happening.”

Where was the push back? Pretty much non-existent. Liberals once again succumbed to the age-old conservative shibboleths: the issue is not poverty but ‘personal responsibility’, if people are chronically unemployed it’s because they’re undereducated and lazy, or use illicit drugs, have children they can’t afford and just aren’t sufficiently right with the lord. George Bush and Congress returned to the policies that were their focus prior to Katrina: reducing federal income and estate taxes for the wealth and cutting nondefense and nonsecurity-related federal spending – meaning education, environmental protection and social welfare spending. Although Hurricane Katrina generated a compassionate public response toward thos affected, it did not lead to a serious discourse about the nature of poverty in America, nor did it lead policymakers to re-examine antipoverty policies.

In 2005 when last we focused on the issue – the national poverty rate was 12.7%, the rate for whites was a little more than 8%, for Hispanics more than 1 in 5 lived in poverty or 22% and for blacks the number was a stunning 1 in 4 or 25% that were living in poverty. As noted by then Senator Barack Obama, none of the politicians wanted to talk about the poor, in an interview with NPR he noted:

Well, I think my main focus, obviously, will be the aftermath of Katrina and to think carefully about who we are as a country. You know, we’d like to think of ourselves as a generous country, as a diverse country, as a country in which all children have opportunity. And I think, unfortunately, Katrina revealed that there’s a gap between the ideal we have as a country and the reality that people are living every day in places like the Ninth Ward of New Orleans.

Well, I would say that if we speak the truth, then that has power. And it doesn’t matter whether you whisper truth or you shout truth. People will hear you. I think that we have tried to avoid basic truths in the false belief that somehow it’s going to allow us to gain a majority. And so in the last presidential election, the fact is, is that there wasn’t conversations about poverty. There was conversations about the middle-class squeeze, but nobody talked about the people in the Ninth Ward or the South Side of Chicago or Compton or Harlem. And, you know, silence I’ve never found to be an effective tool to organize people and to inspire them. I think truth is what outs in the end. So we just need to keep on speaking truth to power.

Here we are six years later and we’re still not talking about poverty and neither is President Obama. The national poverty rate since Hurricane Katrina has increased from 12.7% to 15.1%. For whites, almost 10% live in poverty, up from 8% in 2005, for Hispanics their poverty rate increased from 22% to 25%. Blacks continue to experience the highest rate – more than 27% live in poverty and almost half of that number live in ‘deep’ poverty – defined as income of less than $12,000 for a family of four. Only the Asian poverty rate remained unchanged at 12%.

What’s particularly disturbing is the view that most Americans have about income distribution. Most folks believe we’re a lot fairer than we are, they don’t realize how unequal our country really is. The video below shows Paul Solman of PBS conducting man on the street interviews to assess the public’s knowledge regarding income inequality. The results provide some insight into the mindset Obama and the Democrats will have to overcome if they hope to successfully counter the Republicans claim that the top 10% are job creators who need all their money if they are to provide employment for the rest of us.

To the extent issues of income inequality are coming to the fore as swelling food-stamp rolls and unemployment lines become media staples, it’s not out of concern for those who have been at the bottom of the economic ladder for quite some time. If there’s one commonality to the recent surge in coverage of economic need, it’s that the focus is on the newly poor—-with particular attention to those who can claim a middle-class background. In one typical segment, ABC World News visited a food bank in Maryland where the director recalled a former donor of food who had fallen on hard times: “Now, she was getting food from us. And she was embarrassed.”

As noted by FAIR:

Whether we emerge from recession—and whether the poverty figures can be kept from rising, will depend on government policy. Yet almost without exception, media stories of economic hardship of deprivation have steer clear of any mention of policy decisions. There is, in fact, a firewall between discussions of poverty and of policy in much of the news media, one that is rarely breached. During a Meet the Press (NBC, 11/16/08) discussion of the then-proposed auto bailout, PBS host Tavis Smiley raised this issue, saying:

We had three presidential debates, let’s be honest about it, where the word poverty never came up, where the working poor and the very poor were never discussed in three presidential debates. I don’t think, Tom, that the working poor and the very poor in this country begrudge people who are better off. They understand, I think, that there are 3 million jobs tied into this auto industry. At the same time, where is the conversation about corporate mendacity? Where is the conversation about everyday people and how this government is responsible to those persons who are disadvantaged, disenfranchised?

Not on Meet the Press, apparently: The program went on for another 40 minutes without the subject of poverty being addressed again.

The failure to effectively address increasing poverty, particularly among single women with children will undoubtably result in premature death. As eloquently stated this week on the Senate floor by Bernie Sanders of Vermont:

“Poverty in America today is a death sentence for tens and tens of thousands of our people which is why the high childhood poverty rate in our country is such an outrage,”

I trust President Obama feels the same and I hope he remembers what he said back in 2005 about SPEAKING TRUTH TO POWER!!! The lives of thousands of poor children are dependent on it.

Trading Blacks for Bucks………… pt. 1

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Sep• 12•11

President Obama’s strategy for creating new jobs for U.S. workers includes a call for quick Congressional approval of the three pending “free trade agreements” with Korea, Panama and Colombia. Of the proposals put forth by President Obama for stimulating the economy and creating jobs, approving the free trade agreements is the one that both John Boehner and Mitch McConnell are ready to move on. Wonder why the Republicans are so gung-ho for these “free trade agreements”? Maybe it’s because they know the agreements will benefit multinational corporations at the expense of organized labor and the poor. Congressional Democrats have long opposed the Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CFTA) signed by President Bush and former Colombia President Uribe in November 2006, in part because of Colombia’s continuing history of violence against trade unionists and human rights abuses against indigenous and minority communities.

Colombia is one of the most dangerous countries to be a labor organizer – in the last year 51 trade unionists were murdered. During the presidency of Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010) more than 450 unionists were murdered – one fourth of these were highly visible union leaders. Over the past decade more unionists were murdered in Colombia each year than in the rest of the world combined. Despite assertions of improvement by the current Colombian administration, little has been done to address the root causes of anti-labor violence or to bring perpetrators to justice. As a result Colombian workers continue to be subject to exploitative work environments resulting in a national poverty rate of almost 50%. Its hard to see how the CFTA will increase demand for U.S. products by workers who barely earn a living wage and have little power to demand more.

Colombian workers en route to sugar cane fields


Of equal concern should be the impact of the proposed Colombia Free Trade agreement on Afro-Colombians who live predominantly on the west coast. The city of Buenaventura will be one of the most directly affected places in Colombia. Situated along the Pacific Coast, it is home to Colombia’s principal port, with about half of the country’s national products passing through its harbors. Its people will suffer from the passage of the CFTA. From a recent report by NACLA:

Conditions in Buenaventura exemplify the inherent contradictions of pursuing a free trade agreement with a country where an internal armed conflict continues to rage, where many people are mired in poverty, where workers are subject to abuses, and labor unions are quite literally under attack. (Nationwide, 51 Colombian unionists were murdered in 2010 alone, making Colombia home to the world’s highest rate of trade-unionist killings.) Yet little of this might be apparent to a visitor in Buenaventura. On a Saturday afternoon, everything seems calm in the city’s main park, Parque Néstor Urbano Tenorio. An eclectic mix of music—vallenato, salsa, and reggaetón—blares from the small bars that look out onto the ocean. Speedboats dart in and out, while the traditional artisanal fishing canoes of the city’s largely Afro-Colombian population bob past. Young couples sit out on the wharf watching the afternoon sun dazzle across the water. Vendors with small mobile carts roam the crowd selling everything from fried food to phone minutes. The smell of coconut and fried fish is in the air. The place has a festive feel. In the distance, massive cargo liners ease out of the bay.

This, together with the sight of the bustling port full of dockworkers, might lead one to think that Buenaventura has prospered from international trade. But if you drive just five minutes away to the low-tide community of Bajamar, you will smell the raw sewage and see the poverty that afflicts Buenaventura’s Afro-Colombians, who make up more than 90% of the municipality’s population. Despite the immense value of Buenaventura’s port, few of the economic benefits from the profitable shipping industry reach the city’s 375,000 residents, about one third of whom are unemployed and 80% of whom live in poverty.2 Sixty-five percent of Buenaventura’s households do not have a sewage system, and 45% do not have potable water.3 Life expectancy in Buenaventura is 51, compared with the national average of 62.

Desperate conditions like these greatly facilitate illegal activity and criminality. Many of the city’s youth are drawn to trafficking drugs, arms, and other contraband; illegally extracting natural resources, like lumber and gold; and cultivating coca in the river basins of Buenaventura municipality, the vast majority of which is rural. Meanwhile, Buenaventura has in the last decade become one of Colombia’s most dangerous cities. In 2000, paramilitary groups known as the Calima Bloc and the Pacific Front entered the city and began a prolonged, bloody turf war with the guerrilla militias of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, which had previously controlled the city’s various neighborhoods. Bajamar and the island of Cascajal were particularly affected by the violence, with residents confined to their neighborhoods.

Many Americans don’t realize that Black people comprise a greater percentage of Colombia’s population than here in the U.S. Afro-Colombians comprise approximately 25% of Colombia’s population. As is true for our people throughout the diaspora, Afro-Colombians face institutional and individual racial discrimination that results in hardships far worse than experienced by white Colombians. During the 1980s, a vibrant civil rights movement won full recognition of Afro-Colombian cultural rights, and collective ownership and community control of ancestral territories and natural resources. A new Colombian Constitution ratified in 1991 combined with a new landmark law (Law 70), explicitly enshrine these rights and recognize official democratic Afro-Colombian governance structures, similar to those of Native American communities. However, obtaining collective title turned out to be a mixed blessing for Afro-Colombians – their lands include some of the most fertile and mineral rich areas of the country making them highly desirable to agribusiness, industrialists and speculators. The territories have also been targeted by narco-traffickers who have forced or otherwise induced poor peasant farmers to grow coca to help supply the insatiable U.S. demand for illegal drugs.

The combination of ‘economic development’ and ‘counter-narcotics’ activities funded in large part by the U.S. through Plan Colombia has resulted in the displacement of hundreds of thousands of poor Colombians. Presently Colombia has one of the largest population of internally displaced people in the world. Afro-Colombians have been disproportionately affected by the continuing armed conflict and internal displacement. According to the first published report on racial discrimination and human rights in Colombia:

A total of 252,541 people have been pushed out of collective territories that are the property of black communities and are located in 50 municipalities. This number represents 79% of the population that is registered as eligible for the right to collective land titling. The displaced Afro-descendent population finds itself in the worst living conditions when compared to other displaced groups. According to the 2005 Census, 30% of displaced Afro-Colombians did not have money to eat for at least one day a week and 69% of them were not matriculated in any educational institution.

In August 2009, I met with leaders of one of the largest Afro-Colombian organization (AFRODES) who took me to visit some of the settlements that have sprung up outside of Buenaventura, Cali and other major cities where people have fled after being driven off their lands.

In Toma, I met with artisanal miners whose families have extracted a living from the local mines for generations. The government had leased their land to a multinational company who wanted to extract the minerals more quickly for profits and the miners were told they had a few short months to move themselves and their families elsewhere. Failure to heed the warning would leave them vulnerable to attack by local paramilitaries who in recent years have been the principal perpetrators of violence against the people. As recently reported:

Local authorities often deny the continued presence of illegally armed groups in Buenaventura, but ongoing threats and attacks demonstrate otherwise. In mid-2010, the Black Eagles, a newly armed paramilitary group, distributed flyers throughout Buenaventura threatening members of local human rights organizations. Shortly afterward, Jair Murrillo, a leader of the local population of Colombians displaced by violence throughout the country, was killed.

Another troubling trend in Buenaventura is the increase in forced disappearances and the discovery of several mass graves. The authorities say the people buried in these graves were “disappeared” by the paramilitaries or guerrillas, who have turned to disappearances in order to maintain a false sense of calm in the city. According to a local government authority in the Public Ministry, 82 people disappeared in Buenaventura in 2010. Since 2006, when the army’s presence in the city was significantly increased, homicides have decreased while disappearances dramatically increased. From 2007 to 2010, 491 people were reported missing, more than twice the number reported during the four previous years combined (197 from 2003 to 2006).

When I traveled to Colombia local human rights activists, trade unionists, progressive, indigenous and Afro-Colombian leaders who had been encouraged by the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States all asked me the same questions: Didn’t Obama understand what was happening to them? Why wasn’t there any noticeable change in U.S. policy? How could a black President become party to the destruction of black communities and the loss of hard won ancestral lands? Was there any hope they would see change they could believe in?

I replied that President Obama had his hands full managing the economic crisis, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as dealing with hostile Republicans to devote much attention to foreign policy in Latin America. With Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State and an administration full of former Clinton advisors it was likely the U.S. would continue to support Plan Colombia while placing minimal pressure on the Colombian government to improve its labor and human rights record.

Unfortunately, in the ensuing two years the situation on the ground for Afro-Colombians has not improved….. to be continued…..

9/11: Moving in Divergent Directions

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Sep• 12•11

Like many, I’ve spent the past few days tuned into the public commemoration of the 10th anniversary of 9/11. As a native New Yorker it’s been particularly riveting to relive events that had such a profound effect on the city’s landscape and its residents. I still miss the view of the World Trade Center I had grown used to seeing from the train window each day as it crossed the Manhattan Bridge. In many ways 9/11 is as seminal an event in U.S. history as the assassination of John F. Kennedy – everyone who was alive at the time remembers where they were when they heard the news of his death. For me it was an especially poignant and searing experience as it also happened to be my birthday – November 22nd. The past few days have caused me to ruminate about how the events around 9/11 changed my life and set me on a divergent path from many of my friends and colleagues.

Though I lived there at the time, I was not in New York City on September 11, 2001. I was in Cape Town, South Africa, having just left the World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) in Durban where I led of delegation of twelve to the week-long NGO Forum. Our mission was to bring attention to the negative impacts of the global “war on drugs” on people of color. Attending the conference was a transformational event for me in a variety of ways. I had arrived with an understanding of racism in the U.S. it’s continuing legacy and institutional foundations – it was part of my daily life and experience and the basis for my career as a social justice advocate. I left with a broader understanding of the various manifestations of racism, the ways it contributes to human cruelty and suffering and the close relationship between racism and economic opportunism.

Each day there was a meeting of the African NGOs – including those living on the continent and those of us in the Black diaspora. It was my first experience participating in an international discussion about racism in the context of slavery and the role of the international slave trade in creating the wealth that enabled the modern world. We discussed a broad range of issues including reparations – I learned to view the issue from a holistic perspective that seeks to repair the harms racism has inflicted on blacks and whites alike. I was part of a global African community participating in a debate and consensus building process grounded in African values and philosophy – it was extraordinary!! I had an experience of the possibilities that would exist is such practices were utilized in the U.S. political process.

Equally interesting was attending an international event widely covered by the media and experiencing in real time the incredible divergence between what I saw and participated in and media reports of what occurred. This was especially true of U.S. coverage of the WCAR which focused almost exclusively on the controversy over resolutions promoted by pro-Palestinian NGOs and governments that used harsh language to describe Israel’s policies towards the Palestinian and ignored the other 95% of conference-related activities and issues. The dispute was used to justify the decision by the U.S. to withdraw from the conference further marginalizing the event in the U.S. media. It was during this conference I finally discarded any illusions I still held about fairness and accuracy in media.

For me, one of the most significant events of the conference was the forum designed to amplify the voices of individuals who have suffered from discrimination and/or violence because of their race, color, descent, nationality or ethnic origins. Included were stories like the following:

Mariama Oumarou, former slave from Niger


Mariama Oumarou is a 17-year old, dark-skinned Tuareg from Niger. Like her mother and grandmother, she grew up a slave to light-skinned Tuaregs. Her mother and grandmother remain slaves. When she was fifteen, her owner sold her to a trader in Nigeria for $300. At first, she believed that she was the trader’s wife, but under Islamic law, he could only have four wives and she would have been the fifth. When she discovered she was purchased as a house worker/sexual slave, she escaped and returned to Niger. With assistance from a local NGO, she lured her Nigerian master to Niger and had him arrested. Before his case came to trial, he bribed his way out of prison. Today Mariama is free.

Ibrahim Abu Sbeih, unidentified village in Israel


Ibrahim Abu Sbeih was born and lives in the same village his father and grandfather were born and lived in, yet Israel refuses to recognize its existence. The plight of the Arab unrecognized villages first began in 1948. Even though these villages existed tens and hundreds of years ago, the Israeli governments ignored the existence of these villages and the inhabitants were denied their rights as cit izens of the country. For more than 50 years, these villages have not appeared
on any map. As a result, the villages lack basic infrastructure. Today, there are approximately 100,000 people who are dispossessed or denied any basic services such as running water, electricity, proper education and health services and access roads – constituting a gross violation of human rights and opposing the values of a modern and democratic state.

I left the conference feeling enlightened, invigorated and infused with urgency and purpose, determined to ratchet up my participation in the struggle against racism and injustice. No longer would I turn a blind eye or offer rationalizations for human rights violations at home and abroad. No longer would I advocate patience in the face of brutality and exploitation on the basis that ultimately justice would prevail. This was my mind set as I strolled through Cape Town’s central district on September 11th, searching for last minute souvenirs to bring home to my family and loved ones. I remember distinctly the first word I received about the tragic events in New York, I dismissed the message as a prank by someone trying to freak me out before my long flight home. I remember walking by a local electronics store and seeing the image of the WTC on the television in the store window – I stopped to look just as the image showed the second tower collapsing – I remember my shock – how could this be? Those buildings had more than 100 floors each – I’d been to Windows on the World many times – if there were any skyscrapers that occurred to the average New Yorker as indestructible – it was the World Trade Center.

Within minutes I made my way to the largest internet cafe in the center of town, it wasn’t long before my colleagues were there too. Viewing the events unfolding in New York and D.C. from South Africa was a unique experience given that country’s history of domestic strife and violence, including bombings, arsons and armed massacres. The South Africans couldn’t have been more supportive and empathetic – our return home was delayed by almost a week but from my point of view there were worst places to be stuck than Cape Town, South Africa.

Cape Town, Sept. 9, 2001

I’ll never forget the day I returned to New York from South Africa. My flight arrived early in the morning about one week after the 9/11 attack. Air travel was still very sparse and JFK was eerily deserted. I remember being amazed that I had cleared Customs and collected my luggage in less than 1/2 hour – astonishing for JFK!! But what really freaked me out was the ride home from the airport. My taxi ride traveled along Atlantic Avenue through Queens to my apartment in downtown Brooklyn. I had never in my entire life seen so many flags on display in New York City…… It seemed they were everywhere – hanging from apartment windows, waving from the rear of taxis, storefronts and every major church I passed. New York City had never been known for public displays of patriotism, the only thing in my mind that came close was the Bi-Centennial Celebration in 1976 but even that paled in comparison to this post-911 display. It was my first sign of the radical shifts generated in response to 911.

Once the initial shock at the attack began to subside, it seemed for a brief moment as if there was a collective desire to understand the reasons for the attack and determine if there was something we could do to address them. I thought perhaps as awful as it was, one good thing might come from 9/11 – greater public attention to the kind of human rights abuses I learned about at the WCAR, abuses that too often occur with the support or complicity of U.S. multinational corporations. That hope was quickly dashed – it didn’t take long for the pundits and propagandists to come along and give the country a simplistic reason – the attack happened because ‘they’ hate us and ‘they’ hate us for our freedoms.

As I watched U.S. news media, I could see the messaging machine at work. At first the dominant theme was: AMERICA UNDER ATTACK!. Soon, it shifted to: AMERICA RISES!! and that theme prevailed for awhile until it shifted to the long term theme: AMERICA STRIKES BACK!!! as we began to bring “justice” to the perpetrators of 9/11 which required us to initiate wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Any chance we would pursue anything other than a military response was brushed aside as “weak” and inappropriate to the affront to the honor and prestige of the U.S. No effort was made to put the WTC attack inside the context of U.S. policies and practices – so we’ve felt blithely free to pursue a policy of bombing and killing innocent civilians in other countries (namely Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen, and Pakistan) in response to the bombing and killing of innocent civilians in the U.S. A strategy sure to eliminate terrorism as a tactic.

It didn’t take long for ‘they’ to be broadly defined as “Islamic extremists”, a group that if we were honest about it is about as numerous as “Christian extremists”. But looking at it that way would interfere with the prevailing narrative and undermine support for a global, unending war on terror so we persist in the belief the world is full of jihadists solely bent on the destruction of the U.S. way of life. What’s ironic is the degree to which we’ve steadily eroded the principles and liberties upon which that way of life is based (e.g. freedom of speech, expression, association, assembly, worship, privacy) in the name of protecting it.

Here we are a decade later. In two weeks the U.N. will hold another World Conference Against Racism (aka Durban III). The U.S. has announced its intention to boycott this year’s event (we didn’t officially participate in the 2001 conference sending only a mid-level delegation which was subsequently withdrawn) again over the issue of anticipated criticism of Israeli policies towards the Palestinians. This year the WCAR will be held in New York City so we have the ironic circumstance of the U.S. government headed by an African-American President boycotting an international conference against racism in the U.S. In effect we’re telling black women still held in slavery in Niger; Roma still suffering persecution in eastern Europe; indigenous people being stripped of their land in Guatemala and Dalits still being murdered in India that we won’t address their suffering unless its divorced from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – in the geo-political calculus their lives are just not that important……

Isn’t that the kind of thinking we associate with terrorists? Believing the loss of thousands of human lives can be justified if it supports one’s political objectives………. Seems to me that in the decade since 9/11 we’ve become more of the things we claim to oppose…………….. What do you think????

Bloomberg’s Burden……….

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Aug• 23•11

Mayor Michael Bloomberg

My last NYC apartment was on E.129th Street & Madison Avenue in Harlem. There is a middle school one block away that I passed every day. The building took up almost one city block and had no windows. Inside, the classroom and hallways are lighted with florescent bulbs giving the concrete walls the look of a prison. Unfortunately, not every Harlem child is lucky enough to attend the new and ultra modern Harlem Children’s Academy on 125th Street founded by Geoff Canada. What do you think it does to a 6th grader to attend school in a building with no windows? To go all day without sunlight? To add insult to injury the school is named for Arthur Schomburg the great black bibliophile, I believe he’d turn over in his grave if he saw it. In my view, the school is emblematic of the relationship between Mayor Bloomberg and poor minority communities – a solid closed structure that generates outcomes inapposite to its stated mission.

Two weeks ago New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg received praise from politicians, philanthropists and media for his pledge to give $30 million of his own money towards an initiative to improve life outcomes for “at-risk” black and Latino males from the city’s poorest communities. The $127 million initiative will address four critical areas: education, employment, health and justice. I applaud Mayor Bloomberg for recognizing the critical situation facing young black males in NYC – yet I’m dismayed that much of the initiative’s focus is on ‘fixing’ young men instead of ‘fixing’ the institutional practices that generate their poor outcomes. In this respect the initiative is another example of the paternalism that has characterized so much of white America’s relationship to poor black and brown communities and colored Mayor Bloomberg’s policies.

White Man's Burden circa 1900

Here’s an assessment of the Mayor’s plan by Pedro Noguera, a NYU professor who advised the mayoral team that developed it:

What’s your general impression of the mayor’s plan?

It’s very substantive and it’s comprehensive, so I want to give the mayor credit for taking such an ambitious approach in putting so many resources behind the effort. I think that the real test — the problem with the issue — is that it’s very complex and multi-faceted and multi-dimensional.

They’re not just focusing on education. They’re focusing on employment. They’re focusing on some of the social issues related to mentoring. So I think all of that bodes well for the plan.

One of the big challenges will be sticking with it over time, to make sure that there’s follow-through, to make sure if something’s not working they modify it or they scrap it, rather than sticking with something that doesn’t have an impact.

What wasn’t in the plan that should have been?

I was disappointed that there’s nothing about the stop-and-frisk policy, or about the large number of arrests for marijuana in the city that particularly target black and Hispanic males, when the evidence shows that a large number of the marijuana smokers in the city are white. I thought the fact that they didn’t touch those issues was, to me, an omission that I would have liked to have seen included. One of the mayor’s goals here is to prevent people from going back into prison.

What the data is showing, the overwhelming majority of those who are stopped and frisked — and I think in many cases illegally searched — are black and Latino males. And in some cases that results in arrests, but in many cases it just results in harassment and an initial encounter with the police that is unpleasant to say the least.

But there’s also large numbers of kids who are being arrested in schools or in subways for very minor offenses, and that is their introduction to the criminal justice system. So I would have liked to have see something done about that, and I think the mayor does have power to do something about that.

Every day in New York City – at a time when budget cuts are forcing layoffs of city workers and reduction in services – the NYPD arrests 140 people for possessing marijuana. That’s right 140 people a day, every day for an offense decriminalized in 1977. In Bloomberg’s New York marijuana possession is the most common basis for a misdemeanor arrest, the majority of these arrests occur when police stop-and-frisk young men in the city’s poorest neighborhoods. Police officials say the stop-and-frisks are a way to find guns but what they find most often is a small amount of marijuana. 86% of those arrested for low-level marijuana possession in NYC are black and Latino, despite studies showing whites smoke marijuana at higher rates. The following video by brother Jazz Hayden in Harlem records a typical marijuana possession arrest:

Below is a great map illustrating the racial and ethnic composition of precincts/neighborhoods with the highest rates of arrests for low level marijuana offenses:

Neighborhoods in NYC with high arrests for marijuana possession

Yet, Bloomberg and his aides continue to defend the policy, minimizing the impact on poor black and Latino youth. As reported in the NYT:

Faced with criticism from members of the City Council and the State Legislature, aides to Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg have emphasized that few of those arrested on pot charges actually end up with criminal convictions because most cases are dismissed and sealed after one year. In effect, they say, the arrest process itself — which can stretch for 24 hours or more, under squalid conditions in holding pens — is the extent of the punishment.

Against the somewhat dubious claims of reduction in serious crime due to massive arrests for marijuana possession is the real evidence of harm to the hundreds of thousands of young black and Latino New Yorkers who’ve been arrested. The Bloomberg administration asserts the consequences for the people locked up have been minimal. Documented accounts are accumulating that such arrests have led to loss of employment, housing and for some noncitizens deportation and permanent separation from family and friends. Even without these common collateral consequences, there is harm associated with the entire process of arrest and pre-arraignment detention.

The experience of being handcuffed, placed in a police van (often to ride around for hours while police troll for more arrestees) arriving at a police station for processing – including mug shots, fingerprints and sometimes a strip search, culminating with up to 48 hours detention in a cramped, dirty and noisy cell is extremely unpleasant and traumatic. To minimize the significance of the experience, particularly on a young person with no prior interaction with the criminal justice system is callous in the extreme, particularly by a mayor who claims to care so much about New York City children.

As if that were not enough last week the NYTimes reported that hundreds of New Yorkers have lost temporary and sometimes permanent custody of their children solely because of their use of marijuana. According to the report:

Hundreds of New Yorkers who have been caught with small amounts of marijuana, or who have simply admitted to using it, have become ensnared in civil child neglect cases in recent years, though they did not face even the least of criminal charges, according to city records and defense lawyers. A small number of parents in these cases have even lost custody of their children.

For these parents, the child welfare system has become an alternate system of justice, with legal standards on marijuana that appear to be tougher than those of criminal courts or, to some extent, of society at large. In interviews, lawyers from the three legal services groups that the city hires to defend parents said they saw hundreds of marijuana cases each year, most involving recreational users.

Contrary to the claims of Mayor Bloomberg and NYPD officials, there is no conclusive evidence linking marijuana arrests to drops in the City’s crime rate. Two scholars at the University of Chicago, studied New York City’s marijuana possession arrests. Analyzing police department data, they found “no good evidence that the [marijuana] arrests are associated with reductions in serious violent or property crimes in the city. If anything, it has had the reverse effect. As a result, New York City’s marijuana policing strategy seems likely to simply divert scarce police resources away from more effective approaches” that research suggests are capable of reducing real crime.

The burden of recognizing that many of the policies and practices he continues to endorse contribute to the barriers and challenges faced by poor minority youth is on Mayor Bloomberg. He cannot relieve himself of this burden or remedy the harms his policies have caused with a $30 million check.

Democracy Derailed, Denied and Dismissed…………..

Written By: newdrugpolicy - Aug• 10•11

For the past few weeks observing current events has felt like watching one of those Hollywood thrillers about a runaway train hurtling at breakneck speed towards utter destruction while a small group of regular people engage in a desperate effort to inform others of the danger and limit the extent of the coming destruction. Most of the time their warnings fall on deaf ears and they must forge ahead, often in the face of intransigence.

The cumulative impact of the ‘debt ceiling’ debacle which showed that a small faction of political extremists can derail the democratic process and bully the government into submission emboldening companies resistant to financial regulation to do the same; the result of the recall elections in Wisconsin that further denies the basic rights of the people to have a government responsive to their needs and desires; and the continuing violence throughout the U.K. representing the dismissal by large numbers of youth of the potential for democracy to improve their lives has been demoralizing. It feels like something fundamentally dangerous is happening in society and we’re powerless to do anything but observe. For me, it’s the disorienting feeling of both observing the train heading for a crash and being a passenger on that train. I once had the experience while flying of having the plane drop dramatically mid-air to the point the airbags came down from their overhead bins. The flight attendants sounded a little panicked as they told us to grab the bag and put them over our faces. For the next minute or so (it felt like forever) as the plane continued to descend I knew what it felt like to be a powerless observer of a potentially fatal event where my life was at stake. We were lucky, after 10,000′ the plane leveled out and eventually landed safely, but it made me aware that crashes can happen. I still fly regularly, but I also pay attention to the safety message given at the start of every flight as if my life depends on it. But, I digress……….

When the Great Depression followed the stock market crash of 1929, most American had little doubt whom to hold responsible for the policies that led to over-speculation, high levels of debt and financial instability – the various corporate and financial elites who wanted to accrue the maximum amount of profits with the minimum amount of regulation. They wanted government to protect them from such excesses and supported policies to impose greater regulation of financial markets, higher standards for corporate governance and protections of workers rights to organize and have a safe workplace. Government developed such policies and for the next fifty years we had relatively stable financial markets with no major crisis. Then came the Reagan Era with its twin mantras of demonizing government and deregulating business and it’s been a roller coaster ride ever since.

In my view these legacies of the Reagan era – delegitimization of government as a vehicle to provide viable solutions to societal problems and relaxing of government control over business entities that are essentially, creations of the state – led to the current place where the Supreme Court has ruled that corporations have the same constitutional rights as individuals and are free to spend limitless amounts of money to influence government policies and we, the people are powerless to stop them – thereby further delegitimizing the role and efficacy of government.

You see it at work in the ability of the Tea Party to use money from conservative corporatists to build a “grassroots” political movement able to influence election outcomes within its first year of existence (even MoveOn.org couldn’t do that) leading to Republican legislative dominance in almost 30 of the 50 states and one house of Congress. Because Republicans won narrowly in often hotly contested elections – they’ve decided to use their majorities to force thru conservative policies supported by their wealthy benefactors focused on destroying unions, promoting wars and law enforcement and reducing the power of government to restrain corporate activities or tax corporate profits. To prevent their political opponents and/or popular uprising of progressives from derailing their agenda they’ve initiated an all out assault on democracy as both belief system and functioning institution.

  • How can we say we live in a democratic society when a small group of zealots are using the political process to enact laws that deny basic democratic rights – THE RIGHT TO VOTE – to large numbers of citizens for purely political purposes?
  • How can we say we live in a democracy when one political party uses it power to bully the other party – which represents the views of a significant segment of the body politic – into accepting policies it views as anathema or risk economic catastrophe?
  • How can we say we live in a democratic society when tax policy – the sole purview of government – places the burden of financing government disproportionately on the working class and poor while asking little from the wealthiest members of society?
  • How can we say we live in a functioning democracy when one of the two major political parties consistently refuses to recognize the legitimacy of the other party to share or exercise power and has adopted a strategy of universal obstructionism?
  • These contradictions are starting to have an impact in people’s political perspective. The grassroots movement that has developed in Wisconsin over the past several months is important. It’s important because it represents people’s belief that democratic institutions can still work and if they follow the rules and persuade others to support them they can prevail over a rabid minority of right-wing conservatives. That belief has been seriously undermined by recent events where Republicans have consistently obstructed or changed the rules. First Wisconsin voters had to contend with questionable results in the special election which retained a right-wing judge thereby guaranteeing judicial endorsement of Republican policies. Then came the shenanigans involving new voter id laws where the Republican majority both insisted all voters provide state issued photo identification to vote but then defunded the DMV offices where ids are issued in predominantly Democratic areas, combined with the decision by Republicans to run ‘fake Democrats’ in primaries to delay recall elections. The last few weeks have witnessed the infusion of tens of millions of dollars into Wisconsin for the recall elections in six state senatorial districts – making it the most expensive election campaign in Wisconsin history, clearly demonstrating the impact of Citizens United in lifting all restraint from special interest money. The defeat of the recall effort this week should be viewed in the context of what it means for continued belief in a functioning democratic system.

    Unlike the 1930s a significant segment of the voting public seems unsure who to hold accountable for their economic distress and insecurity – they are subject to constantly competing narratives where there is little agreement regarding facts, much less their interpretation. Imagine, if during the civil rights movement, the national media reported with equal credibility the claims by white law enforcement they were provoked by peaceful black demonstrators into turning water hoses on them or beating them for attempting to register to vote? That’s what today’s media does – in the search for balance they end up distorting the truth and giving safe harbor to extremists.

    Events in the U.K over the past five days are a clear demonstration of what can happen when people dismiss the possibility for government to play a positive role in improving their lives. I’d argue the young folks destroying property and stealing goods blame government in part for their condition and are not likely to respond to calls for restraint by government officials. There’s a debate regarding whether one should view the rioters as hooligans and thugs or as frustrated youth releasing years of pent up anger at economic neglect and police brutality. I’ll leave that debate for another time. What is clear to me is that the destruction we’re witnessing in the U.K. is a physical manifestation of the economic and political destruction that is impacting societies globally. The uprising in the U.K. is on the heels of uprisings over the past nine months in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Israel, Italy, France, Spain and Greece. From Reuters:

    Across the world, the financial crisis may leave a whole generation of young people with opportunities that fall well short of their aspirations, perhaps to the point where they might even abandon hope for the future at all.

    In the developed world, the crisis means they almost invariably face fewer and less well paid entry-level jobs at every level, from graduate openings to factory work. Benefits and educational support are also being cut.

    In the developing world, economic opportunities might still be rising but expectations may often have risen faster. Now, the downturn leaves them ever more unfulfilled. In ageing economies, the young may also have to fund rising social bills.

    Whether that sense of disenchantment fuels political protest, extremism or simply random crime and contempt for the law, the running battles, destruction and arson in London — among the worst seen in Western Europe in decades — suggest politics and protest could get uglier in the years to come.

    “It’s very sad to see. But kids have got no work, no future and the cuts have made it worse,” Hackney electrician Adrian Anthony Burns, 39, told Reuters.

    “These kids are from another generation to us and they just don’t care. You watch, it’s only just begun.”

    It looks to me like a global rebellion against attempts by the rich to make the working classes, the poor and particularly youth pay for their economic greed and folly. I’d like to think this is a passing phase and we’ll come out of it stronger and better as a nation, but I’m not so sure. Those runaway train movies rarely end well – at least not for most of the passengers.

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